Considered far-right

The AfD is particularly strong in the former GDR

(Bild: Ronny HARTMANN / afp)

The polls suggest that the far-right AfD will make strong gains in the state elections in September in the eastern German states of Thuringia, Saxony and Brandenburg - in some cases it could even come first. According to political scientist Aiko Wagner, the voting motives are the same everywhere, but there are "more people with populist attitudes and socio-political right-wing views in East Germany than in West Germany".

Wagner explains why support for the AfD, which is classified by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution in Saxony and Thuringia as definitely right-wing extremist, is so high in the former GDR in particular by its past under the socialist regime. The political scientist from the Free University of Berlin explains that the GDR had decided to be an anti-fascist state and that there was therefore hardly any critical reappraisal, "questioning what this still means for us today". Furthermore, West Germany had a different image of democracy, as the introduction of democracy after the Second World War was positively associated with the accompanying economic upturn. For citizens of the former GDR, "it was completely different. The introduction of representative democracy on the Federal Republic model coincided with a period of mass unemployment. In other words, this cognitive link between prosperity and democracy in the East was never able to develop in the same way as in the West".

"The only true democratic party"
Anna-Sophie Heinze, a political scientist at the University of Trier, points out that the majority of the population in Germany see democracy as the best form of government, but are less satisfied with the way democracy currently functions. According to Heinze's analysis, the AfD is well placed to take this on board, for example by describing itself as the "only true democratic party". In this context, isn't a party that is monitored by the Office for the Protection of the Constitution a deterrent? Heinze does not observe this, rather the AfD has successfully managed to say "Now more than ever" and "We are the only true opposition, the only true democrats".

AfD leader Alice Weidel

(Bild: APA/AFP/MICHELE TANTUSSI)

Heinze also describes how the lack of social reappraisal of German reunification and the transformation experiences of the 1990s led to thought patterns that have become entrenched to this day. For her, there is a feeling among some East German citizens that their interests and needs are heard less than those of West Germans. The AfD takes this on board "perfectly", plays strongly with the "East German identity" and presents it as positive to be different from West Germany. Heinze also explains this development by the fact that "the GDR was not dealt with particularly critically everywhere".

"Feeling of being second-class citizens"
 Wagner also explains that "the East is of course still well behind the West in terms of economic strength, income and pensions". Does this explain why voters are voting against the West in protest? The political scientist would rather identify a general resentment that leads to support for populist calls against "those at the top". Apart from the described "feeling of being second-class citizens", many people in the eastern German states are struggling with the fact that they have fewer assets at their disposal. Wagner describes how this means that "economic shocks - whether caused by coronavirus, inflation or the economic crisis" - hit the East more quickly "because there are simply far, far fewer assets, which allows the middle classes to survive lean periods for a short time".

A meeting of the Young Alternative

(Bild: glomex)

The political scientists point out that there is still little trust in politics and political parties in the former GDR, with fewer party members and less identification with the established parties than in West German states. According to Heinze, the fact that "the AfD, but also the FPÖ, have managed to build up a relatively stable organization - also with some competent staff and a strong youth organization" also plays a major role in this context. All of this contributes to appearing as an electable option for many voters.

The East is more right-wing than the West
Furthermore, the radical to extreme right has long been a strong force in East Germany. "In socio-political terms, the East is more conservative or more right-wing than the West," says Wagner. To explain this, reference is again made to the history of the GDR. For example, there were fewer guest workers in this area. "Contract workers" living in the GDR - from Vietnam or Cuba, for example - were hardly integrated into society, but rather housed in "extra blocks of flats", explains the Berlin political scientist. This also shows the phenomenon that less contact with people with a history of migration not only leads to greater reservations, "but that rejection and outright racism" are also more pronounced.

In any case, parties such as the AfD or the FPÖ "pose a threat to liberal democracy", emphasizes Heinze. Radical right-wing parties "do not particularly uphold minority rights, the rule of law or representative institutions". The rise of the radical right would also be supported if it were "normalized". According to Heinze, a strong result for the FPÖ in the national elections and perhaps even government participation in Austria could "naturally contribute massively" to moving far-right parties further into the mainstream throughout Europe.